LET’S TEST YOUR MIND!
Used by activists to avoid being identified and arrested, for example Amado Guerrero (Jose Maria Sison) and Ruben Cuevas (Pete Lacaba)
Derived from the word ―project; referring to people living in the urban/middle-upper class areas of Quezon City, Projects(village) 1-8
The exchange rate between Philippine Peso and US dollar in 1965 was pegged at 3.9 pesos to 1 US dollar. And 18.6 to 1 US dollar in 1985 (Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas)
Economic indicators such as GDP tell the opposite (See the next feature for the graph). In fact, unemployment rate ballooned from 7.20% in 1965 to 12.60% in 1985 (PSA and Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas).
We cannot deny that the regime was able to build establishments, buildings, and bridges for 20 years in power (equal to 3-4 presidents in the current constitution). However, it must be clarified the funds used were not from the Marcos. These came from Filipino taxpayers and from external debt. Because of this, Philippine External Debt rose from $360 million (US) in 1962 to $28.3 billion in 1986 (Boyce, 1993). Filipino people are still paying for this debt up until now.
(See the panels for complete details)
There are certain judicial verdict to prove this claim:
1.) Judicial courts (local and abroad) were able to recover ill-gotten wealth from the offshore accounts of the Marcoses. This paved the way for the creation of the Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board that aimed to recognize and provide reparation to Martial Law Victims.
2.) Philippine Commission on Good Government, as of April 2019, recovered more than 171 Billion pesos of ill-gotten wealth since its creation in 1986.
The Marcos regime instituted a mandatory youth organization, known as the Kabataang Barangay, which was led by his Marcos‘ eldest daughter Imee.
Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975, required that all youths aged 15 to 18 be shipped off to remote rural indoctrination camps where they underwent a ritualistic progra designed to instill loyalty to the First Couple (McCoy, 2009; Wurfel, 1988)
KB has been abolished under Cory. It was reinstituted in the Local Government Code of1991 as Sanguniang Kabataan (SK).
ARCHIMEDES TRAJANO
Trajano, an engineering student from Mapua Institute of Technology, stood up and did what participants are supposed to do at forums: asked a question to imee marcos who was then the head of kabataang barangay during a forum at the pamantasan ng lungsod ng maynila.
“Must the Kabataang Barangay be headed by the President’s daughter?”
Imee didn’t answer the question. Instead, Trajano was forcibly removed from the premises by her bodyguards, and the student vanished. Two days later, on Sept. 2, his bloodied corpse, bearing signs of severe torture, was found abandoned in the street.
the period of martial law is marked with strong youth movements sdk (samahang demokratiko ng kabataan) and KM (Kabataang makabayan) , along with other youth formations and sectoral movements led the series of youth demonstrators during the time of the first quarter storm (FOS) or SIGWA (RAGE
“the struggle for freedom is the next best thing to actually being free”
– LEANDRO ALEJANDRO
“I believe our greater responsibility in a crucial time like this, is to seek and know the truth for ourselves as well as for others, because in the language of the gospel, only the truth wil set us free.
The good thing about truth is that no superpower here on earth can bomb the truth or shoot it down”
– JOVITO SALONGA
“And so law in the land died. I grieve for it but i do not despair over it… I know with a certainty, no argument can turn, no wind can shake, that from it, dust wil rise a new and better law; more just, more human, and more humane, when that will happen, i know not. That will happen, i know.”
– JOSE DIOKNO
“Our economy is in shambles and our children are heirs to an almost unbearable national debt because good and decent citizens have abandoned politics to the corrupt.”
– EVELIO JAVIER
It can be said that Marcos built more schools, hospitals, and infrastructure than any of his predecessors combined (Lacsamana, 1990), but this is true given the consideration that Marcos was in power for about 20 years and he had the US in terms of massive economic aid and foreign loans.
The peso devalued from
PhP3.9 to USD1 to PhP18.6 to USD1
from 1965 to 1985 (Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas)
The unemployment rate ballooned
FROM 7.20% IN 1965 TO 12.60%
in 1985 (PSA and Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas)
The Philippines‘ external debt rose from
$360 million (US) in 1962 to $28.3 billion
in 1986, making the Philippines
one of the most indebted countries in Asia
(Boyce, 1993)
In November 18, 2016, Ferdinand Marcos was secretly buried at Libingan Ng Mga Bayani.
Making the Philippines a laughing stock of the whole world by giving a dictator, murderer, and plunderer a hero’s burial.
THE RETURN OF THE MARCOSES TO POWER
Dismissed cases because of PCGG’s and OSG’s lack of due diligence in litigating the cases under the Duterte’s Administration
Political climate may greatly affect how people exact accountability from the Marcoses.
We have observed how the Philippine Commission on Good Governance and the Ofice of the Solicitor General under Duterte’s regime mishandled these cases that led to Marcoses’ acquittal.
” Martial law could crush our bodies; it could break our minds; but it could not conquer our spirit. It may silence our voices and seal our eyes; but it cannot kill our hope nor obliterate our vision. “
” Martial law was a time when so many of the country’s best and the brightest fell into the dark pit of state terrorism. But this was also a time when so many of the country’s best and the brightest rose to remind the world of what it means to be bright enough to become CEO of a good company or succeed abroad, it is to be bright enough to know that you become your best when you serve the people. “
” Forgiveness without truth is an empty ritual and reconciliation without justice is meaningless and, worse, an invitation to more abuses in the future. “
MOVeMENT
SUCCESS
Although it seems we are far from exacting genuine accountability from the Marcoses and his cronies, we cannot but to celebrate our successes in the movement such as
This Exhibition aims to provide information and awareness to young people on the events that had transpired during the Martial Law period (1972-81). It hopes to create a platform to reintroduce and debate on the values of human rights and democracy through looking at the stories and lessons from Martial Law and from the first EDSA People Power Revolt.
For this purpose, the Center for Youth Advocacy and Networking, with support from the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung—Philippine Office, has gathered young academics and historians, artists, and leaders to brainstorm, develop, deepen and visualize, in order to communicate with their peers. The product of these exercises are 4 academic essays which serve as main references; a 19-panel exhibition divided into four main groups: (1) democracy and dictatorship; (2) human rights; (3) timeline; and (4) FAQs/Myths. While the panels are self-explanatory, an exhibition guide is provided to provide further details and deeper discussions.
The Exhibition invites young people to a time warp, 40 years ago, in 1972 when Martial law was declared, or even earlier in 1965 when Ferdinand Marcos was first elected President and more recent and more familiar is the EDSA People Power in 1986, 25 years ago. These two events mark the darkest post war event in our history and the testament to the greatness of a people united. The Exhibition provides young people with tidbits of information, perhaps an appetizer to wanting more
To get the best out of the exhibit, we recommend for the visitors to browse all the panels. The online tour will take at least 1-2 hour/s to finish. However, if you wish to only get a particular information, you can go directly to the topic you want to learn about.
CYAN envisions a society that recognizes the youth sector as stakeholders in providing for an enabling environment for active citizenship, alternative politics, progressive reforms and dynamic involvement in social development work.
In attaining its vision, CYAN strives to: optimize youth activism through innovative programs and approaches; sustain and expand partnership among youth organization that effectively empowers the youth; sustain sectoral advocacy for a developmental youth reform agenda and progressive democratic roles in the society.
CYAN’s organizational life is imbued with these values: social inclusion and participation, equality and partnership, commitment to serve and empower, intelligent and innovative activism and authentic humanization.
Thus, Building an Alternative Youth Institute is a constant reminder for CYAN to lead and act together with the youth for the youth, broaden our horizons to make a difference, disrupt the system and change it.
The work of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in the Philippines started in 1964. Its focus is on the promotion of democracy and the strengthening of social and ecological dimensions of economic development through education, research, political dialogue, and international cooperation. The FES Philippine Office cooperates with national and local government institutions, trade unions, political and social movements, non-government organizations, media practitioners and groups, scientific institutions, individual experts, and other international organizations.
The programs and projects of the FES Philippine Office gives special focus on:
For a better experience, view the exhibit on desktop.
Tap on the hamburger icon on the lower right corner to pull up the menu and audio narration.
Simply scroll up and down to navigate through the exhibit
(don’t swipe right or left)